The Abrogation of the University of the Philippines - Department of National Defense Accord of 1989 (UP-DND Accord) and UP's Academic Freedom

"The different freedoms that make up UP’s academic life are time-tested. They are too institutionalized to be affected by the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989.  These freedoms have been practiced and implemented repeatedly through the years and are part of UP’s organizational culture."

"These freedoms are too embedded within the UP system and collective psyche to be affected by mere physical and operational conveniences and short-cuts afforded by the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989."

What is academic freedom?

Academic freedom, as defined by Encyclopedia Britannica, is:

“..the freedom of teachers and students to teach, study and pursue knowledge and research without unreasonable interference or restriction from the law, institutional regulations, or public pressure. Its basic elements include the freedom of teachers to inquire into any subject that evokes their intellectual concern; to present their findings to their students, colleagues, and others; to publish their data and conclusions without control or censorship, and to teach in the manner they consider professionally appropriate. For students, the basic elements include the freedom to study subjects that concern them and to form conclusions for themselves and express their opinions.”

This rationale for academic freedom is the greater interest of society.  Academic freedom advances knowledge, knowledge improves society, and knowledge is best promoted when an inquiry is free from restraints by the government, by the church, by or by special-interest groups.

Why is Academic Freedom Important?

The benefits of academic freedom reach not only professors, students, and institutions but the broader society through the creation of new knowledge and innovations, and ultimately, through political, economic, social, and technological progress. In short, academic freedom serves the common good.

Academic freedom is indispensable to the mission of higher education institutions and to those individuals involved in teaching, learning, and research.

Without academic freedom, critical thinking cannot develop. Without critical thinking, higher learning is impossible. Given this importance, it is not surprising that academic freedom has been a pillar of higher education since its inception in European universities during the Middle Ages, particularly at the University of Leiden in 1575.

Academic freedom is a basic human right. Academic freedom prescribes the freedom to teach and the freedom to learn, both of which are essential to higher education.

For faculty, academic freedom includes the right to pursue intellectual inquiry attendant to their areas of study and research, and to teach in ways they consider as most befitting to the course and to the core values of the university. For students, academic freedom includes the freedom to formulate their own conclusions and viewpoints.

It is to be noted that, academic freedom includes the right of students and faculty to teach and publish in their areas of expertise without intervention; to write or speak on any topic, and protection for free expression inside the campus.

An indispensable principle of academic freedom holds that the untrammeled traffic of ideas on the campus is essential to a good education. In particular, academic freedom includes the right of the faculty, as individuals or as a body,  to freely determine: (1) curriculum; (2) course content; (3) teaching; (4) student evaluation; and (5) the approaches or methodologies of scholarly research.

These rights embodied in academic freedom are protected by two cherished practices in the academe — common governance and tenure.  These two practices guarantee that universities are "safe havens" for research, sanctuaries where students and scholars can subject any conventional wisdom of any field, be it in the arts, sciences, or politics to unrelenting scrutiny. 

Academic Freedom In the Philippine Constitution

Article 14, Sections 5.2 to 5.4 of the Philippine Constitution provides that: 5.2 Academic freedom shall be enjoyed in all institutions of higher learning. 5.3 Every citizen has a right to select a profession or course of study, subject to fair, reasonable, and equitable admission and academic requirements. 5.4 The State shall enhance the right of teachers to professional advancement.

Academic Freedom in Philippine Higher Education

RA 7722, otherwise known as the “Higher Education Act of 1994” states in its Declaration of Policy (Section 2): “The State shall likewise ensure and protect academic freedom and shall promote its exercise and observance for the continuing intellectual growth, the advancement of learning and research, the development of responsible and effective leadership, the education of high-level and middle-level professionals, and the enrichment of our historical and cultural heritage.” 

Academic Freedom At the University of the Philippines

Section 5 of RA 9500 Titled “An Act to Strengthen the University of the Philippines as the National University: states:  “The national university has the right and responsibility to exercise academic freedom.” Section 27 further states: “Any case of doubt in the interpretation of any of the provisions of this Charter shall be resolved in favor of the academic freedom and fiscal autonomy of the University of the Philippines.” 

Section 2.2 of the UP Diliman Faculty Manual states: Academic freedom is the right of the teacher to teach the subject of her/his specialization according to her/his best lights; to hold, in other subjects, such ideas as she/he believes sincerely to be right; and to express her/his opinions on public questions in a manner that shall not interfere with her/his duties as a member of the faculty or render her/him negative in her/his loyalty to the school, college, or university that employs her/him.

Within the above framework, the following principles are further declared in the UP Diliman Faculty Manual. It is, to this writer, the most concise definition of academic freedom to come from UP Diliman. I have italicized some phrases for emphasis.

a. The University of the Philippines shall not impose any limitation upon the teacher's freedom in the exposition of his/her own subject in the classroom or in addresses and publications;

b. No teacher may claim as his/her right the privilege of discussing in his/her classroom controversial topics that are not pertinent to the course of study that is being pursued;

c. UP should not place any restraint upon the teacher's freedom in the choice of subjects for research and investigation undertaken on his/her own initiative;

d. UP should recognize that the teacher, in speaking or writing outside of the institution on subjects beyond the scope of his/her own field of study, is entitled to the same freedom and is subject to the same responsibilities as attached to all other citizens but in added measure;

e. It is clearly understood that the UP assumes no responsibility for views expressed by members of its staff, and the faculty members themselves should, when necessary, make it clear that they are expressing only their personal opinions;

f. If the conduct of a teacher in her/his classroom or elsewhere should give rise to doubts concerning her/his fitness for her/his position, the question should in all cases be submitted first to a committee of the faculty, and in no case should any member of the teaching staff be dismissed before the normal termination of her/his period of appointment without a full and open hearing before the Board of Regents, should s/he desire it, and only upon sufficient notice.

The Mandate of the Department of National Defense of the Philippines (DND)

The DND’s mandate is to serve and protect the Filipino people, protect the State, and to ensure security and peace where the sovereignty of the Philippines is present.

The DND is the executive department of the Philippine government  tasked with guarding the Republic of the Philippines “against external and internal threats to national peace and security, and to provide support for social and economic development.”

The DND exercises executive supervision over the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), the Office of Civil Defense (OCD), the Philippine Veterans Affairs Office (PVAO), the National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), the Government Arsenal (GA), and Veterans Memorial Medical Center (VMMC). It is also responsible for disaster preparation and management in the country.

The DND is headed by the Secretary of National Defense, who is a member of the President's cabinet. The current Secretary of National Defense of the Philippines is Delfin Lorenzana as of June 30, 2016.

We will assume that the DND means what it says when it declares its mandate. After all, we are living under a legitimate liberal, democratic, and constitutional system of government. The DND, as an indispensable part of this government,  has changed a lot since the martial law days , and we are inclined to believe that it too is a legitimate state agency that serves and protects the Filipino people.  

It is in the latter spirit, therefore,  that we view Sec. Delfin Lorenzana’s statement regarding his decision to abrogate the UP-DND Accord. He said that the decision was dictated by the love of country and we quote: "Abrogating the DND agreement with UP is a fulfillment of patriotic duty. Even though it is an unpopular move, my intentions are pure. My goal is simple -- to minimize the threat to the youth."

The DND is charged with the duty of supervising the National Defense Program of the country. It also has responsibility for overseeing field operations to ensure the judicious and effective implementation of National Defense and Security Programs.

The DND and the Local Armed Communist Insurgency

The Philippine government has so far failed to establish authority in large parts of the country due to the ongoing communist insurgency.   The struggle has gone on for more than 50 years and has caused the death of more than 40,000 combatants and civilians. The New People’s Army (NPA) is still a force to contend within the different regions where they operate.  The government has succeeded in reducing their numbers but it can’t be said that the NPA is a destroyed entity; far from it. 

The NPA attained its greatest strength was in the 1980s, as the dictatorial government of Ferdinand Marcos collapsed and was replaced by the Corazon Aquino administration. The NPA has developed into a  mass movement,  which is in coordination with legal organizations operating principally in the urban areas, under the guidance of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).   An internal struggle in the Nineties hobbled the organization briefly and decreased its mass base. However, in the present time, the NPA, if it has not increased in numbers, has nevertheless succeeded in surviving and stifling government development efforts.

The National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF - ELCAC)

President Rodrigo R. Duterte created NTF-ELCAC in December 2018 as his administration’s definitive vehicle that mobilizes the entire bureaucracy, its networks, and resources to crush the 50-year-old communist rebellion. President Duterte hopes to end the 53-year-old insurgency before his term ends, or greatly weaken it.   

With NTF-ELCAC, the Duterte government is taking the fight against communist insurgents to villages and communities with more intensity than in previous administrations. This would include the UP Diliman campus, we can suppose. The task force tracks down rebel presence and influence in all areas of society and shapes public opinion against them. Through the NTF-ELCAC, the government conducts a campaign to hasten the development of the rural countryside so that poor barangays whose livelihoods have been affected by the insurgency can experience sustainable growth.

The 1989 UP-DND Accord

The 1989 UP–DND Accord was a bilateral agreement between the DND and UP. It restricted military and police access and operations inside the different UP campuses.

Some years earlier, on October 28, 1981, an agreement between then UP student leader Sonia Soto and then-defense minister Juan Ponce Enrile, known as the Soto–Enrile Accord, was signed to protect students from the presence of the military and police in any of UP's campuses.

Shortly before the signing of the UP-DND Accord, on June 16, 1989, Donato Continente, a  Philippine Collegian staffer and suspected communist, was arrested inside the UP Campus for his involvement in the assassination of US Army Col. James Rowe on April 21, 1989. Continente was subsequently convicted. However, the Supreme Court of the Philippines later shortened his sentence, releasing him on June 28, 2005. He had been in prison for over 14 years.  

Fourteen days after Continente’s arrest, on June 30, 1989, UP President Jose V. Abueva and Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos signed the UP-DND Accord. This superseded the 1981 Soto–Enrile Accord. The agreement was made to ensure the academic freedom of UP's students and prevent state officials from interfering with UP students' protests.

The Main Points of the UP-DND Accord of 1989

The main points of the UP-DND Accord of 1989 are:

1. The military or police shall give prior notice to the school administration before conducting operations in any of the UP campuses.

2. No military or police shall enter the premises of any of the UP campuses “except in cases of hot pursuit and similar occasions of emergency.”

3. The military or police will be allowed to enter UP campuses in case the school administration requests their assistance

4. The military or police “shall not interfere with peaceful protest actions by UP constituents within UP premises.”

5. The service of search or arrest warrants on any UP student, faculty, employee, or invited participants in any official UP activity shall, as far as practicable, be done after prior notification is given to the UP President, Chancellor of the constituent university, or Dean of the concerned regional unit.

6. No warrant shall be served without the presence of at least 2 UP faculty members designated by the appropriate UP official.

7. The arrest or detention of any UP student, faculty, or personnel anywhere in the Philippines shall be reported immediately by the responsible head of the military or police unit affecting the arrest or detention to the university official.

8. No UP student, faculty, or employee shall be subjected to the custodial investigation without prior notice to the school administration.

9. A joint monitoring group composed of the UP Faculty Regent, UP Student Regent, UP Vice President for Public Affairs or their representative, UP Vice Chancellor for Student Affairs, and military and police officials shall meet at least twice a year to determine compliance with the accord.

10. Nothing in the agreement “shall be constructed as a prohibition against the enforcement of the laws of the land.”

The Termination of The 1989 UP-DND Accord

On January 18, 2021, DND Secretary Delfin Lorenzana announced the unilateral termination of the UP-DND Accord, stating  that the CPP-NPA had been recruiting students inside the campus calling such agreement a "hindrance in providing effective security, safety, and welfare of the students, faculty, and employees of UP."

The DND had communicated the termination of the agreement to UP administration three days earlier. Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) chairman of the joint chiefs Gen. Gilbert Gapay later asserted that at least 18 students of UP who were recruited by the NPA had been killed so far in armed encounters with the military. 

Reactions and Responses to the Termination

President Rodrigo Duterte backed the DND's decision to abolish the agreement in a statement read by Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque.  When asked by CNN Philippines how he felt after UP professor Danilo Arao questioned his integrity, Roque, a former UP law professor, and human rights lawyer, said that he had already asked the defense secretary Lorenzana and the UP president Danilo Concepcion to settle their differences. 

Pressed about his personal sentiment about the abrogation he implied that he cannot announce it, since he was just a spokesman for the President.

Vice President Leni Robredo criticized the decision and said that it was intended to cow the critics of the administration.

On January 20, Senators Joel Villanueva, Sonny Angara, Nancy Binay, and Grace Poe filed a bill in the Senate to “institutionalize” the UP-DND Accord by making it a law, Republic Act No. 9005, as envisioned.  Some lawmakers from both houses of Congress also verbalized their opposition to the DND's decision.

President Concepcion later told the media that the termination of the UP-DND Accord was "totally unnecessary and unwarranted" and that it was made behind the backs of the UP community.

On January 19, 2021, a rally was held in UP denouncing the termination of the agreement. The most prominent assertion of the rally was that the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord was a threat to UP’s academic freedom.

A trending tweet, #DefendUP, attacked the Duterte administration, saying that "this is another way of the administration to threaten and silence activists who have opposed President Duterte's several policies, especially on supposed red-tagging activities and on the COVID-19 pandemic response.”

Is UP’s Academic Freedom Threatened by the Abrogation of the UP-DND Accord?

Based on our preceding discussion, academic freedom, as rightfully deserved and enjoyed by the UP community is made up of the following components:

1. The freedom of faculty to inquire into any subject that evokes their intellectual concern.

2. The freedom of faculty to present their findings to their students, colleagues, and others. 

3. The freedom of faculty to publish their data and conclusions without control or censorship.

4. The freedom of faculty to teach in the manner they consider professionally appropriate.

5. The freedom of students to study subjects that concern them and to form conclusions for themselves and express their opinions.

6. The freedom of exposition of the faculty’s own subject in the classroom or in addresses and publications.

7. The freedom of faculty in the choice of subjects for research and investigation undertaken on his/her own initiative.

8. The freedom of faculty to speak or write outside the institution (UP) on subjects beyond the scope of his/her own field of study.

9. The right of the faculty, in case of doubts concerning fitness for the position, for his/her case to be submitted first to a committee of the faculty.

10. The right of the faculty not to be dismissed before the termination of his/her period of appointment without a full and open hearing before the UP Board of Regents, should he/she desire it, and only upon sufficient notice.

In turn, the prerogatives or powers gained by the DND after the termination of the UP-DND Accord of 1989 are the following:  

1. DND does not have to give prior notice to the school administration before conducting operations in any of the UP campuses.

2.  The military or police can enter the premises of any of the UP campuses anytime.

3.  The military or police can interfere with peaceful protest actions by UP constituents within UP premises.

4. The DND does not have to notify the UP president, the chancellor of the UP constituent university, or the dean of the concerned UP regional unit when serving a search or arrest warrant on any UP student, faculty, employee, or invited participants in any official UP activity.

5. A warrant can be served without the presence of at least 2 UP faculty members designated by the appropriate UP official.

6. The head of a military or police unit does not have to immediately report the arrest or detention of any UP student, faculty, or personnel anywhere in the Philippines to a university official.

7. UP students, faculty or employee can be subjected to custodial investigation without prior notice to the school administration.

Conclusion

The possibility that DND prerogatives, after the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989, and as enumerated in the left column, would threaten, or worse, violate the academic freedom of the faculty and students of UP, as enumerated in the right column, is very remote or well nigh impossible. This side-by-side visual comparison facilitates this conclusion. I apologize for its imperfections.  

I studied and protested in UP under the withering conditions of martial law. I can attest to the fact that not even martial law could curtail or diminish UP’s vaunted academic freedom. That is the UP spirit.

Under Marcos’ military rule, UP students and faculty (albeit prudently) still inquired into any subject they chose, faculty presented their research findings in public fora, faculty designed their teaching methods, faculty and students expressed their anti-martial law opinions publicly, faculty and students wrote and published manifestos in the Philippine Collegian, academic organizations sponsored anti-martial law convocations,  pretty much unimpeded by military or police action.

CBCP Youth Survey of 1977 

In fact, as a case in point, in mid-1977, I was one of the initiators and research associates in the first-ever comprehensive and nationwide survey into the social and political awareness of the Filipino youth, which was funded by the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), and conducted by faculty from the Department of Sociology of UP Diliman. It was the path-breaking and historic CBCP Youth Survey of 1977. 

One of the findings of the CBCP Youth survey was that the youth of the land were getting dissatisfied with the martial law regime. But the Marcos government was not able to harass, much less suppress, the project and its report.   

There were quite a few plainclothes military and police on the campus during martial law, obviously conducting intelligence activities. In due time, they were pinpointed by the faculty and students and were avoided or exposed. Never were they able to impinge on the academic life of the UP community, as we have described above. All told, UP academic freedom survived and even thrived under martial law with all its intrusions into the UP campus.   

And of course, during martial law, I never heard of a case where a UP faculty was dismissed or punished for incompetence without due processes, like facing a “committee of the faculty” or the case being considered by the UP Board of Regents. I was an activist under the presidencies of Salvador Lopez and Onofre Corpuz. I would like to consider them as upright administrators and intellectuals who did things by the book, despite their shortcomings.

The EDSA Revolution and the Liberal-Democratic State It Established

What more now, 35 years after the EDSA Revolution, when the nation has a legitimate and popular government, with a legitimate DND and AFP, and with people’s freedoms guaranteed and protected by the legal and respected 1987 constitution?  Is UP’s academic freedom in danger at all? Certainly not. Not even after the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989.

To reiterate: the new prerogatives of the DND,  acquired after the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989, are not a threat to, and much less can they curtail, the academic freedom of UP. The above graphic would illustrate this. It only requires logical appreciation.

The different freedoms that make up UP’s academic life are time-tested. They are too institutionalized to be affected by the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989.  These freedoms have been practiced and implemented repeatedly through the years and are part of UP’s organizational culture.

These freedoms are too embedded with the UP system and collective psyche to be affected by mere physical and operational conveniences and short-cuts afforded by the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989.

And as for the no. 3 prerogative, namely: “The military or police can interfere with peaceful protest actions by UP constituents within UP premises”: the possibility of this happening is almost zero. The last time I remember a large rally being dispersed by the police inside the UP campus was in January 1976, the height of martial law. 

And it is still subject to reasoned debate whether a protest rally is actually a practice of academic freedom or a political act.

Put plainly, the abrogation of the UP-DND Accord of 1989 cannot limit what UP faculty and students speak, study, teach, research, publish, and yes, rally, about. Academic freedom is not a valid issue in this context.    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Some Predictions on the Post-Pandemic World

I have compiled from the Net the following predictions on the Post Pandemic world. I  picked what, to my mind, were the most interesting and plausible. 

I have taken liberties to edit many words and formulations to make the predictions more understandable and presentable. The pandemic is a developing event, the scale of which is only exceeded by the Spanish Flu Epidemic of 1918. What is more, all its consequences are still to materialize.

Surreal or even dystopic do not even begin to describe it. It has profoundly affected, with all its ramifications, the center of the world, the United States of America (US), perhaps irreversibly. 

Moreover, the Communist Party of China (CPC) has much to answer for, because the virus was manufactured in China for still unverified reasons, and because its  deceitfulness ushered in the deadliest planetary malady in recent times. 

 I will be adding or amending as things develop. Ladies and gentlemen: welcome to the new normal. 

 1. Remote meetings will become normal or routine. 

 2. Software will improve drastically. 

 3. People will go to office less. 

 4. People will stay or work at home more. 

 5. We will socialize less at work, and more in our community. 

 6. Things will not normalize any time soon. 

 7. The next pandemic will not be as bad because we are learning a lot from this present one. 

 8. Travel and tourism will be irreversibly changed due to global restrictions. 

 9. Office cubicles will become taller. 

 10. Classes in highly conceptual or abstract subjects will remain online while classes in hands-on subjects will be face-to-face. 

 11. Partial canopies or glass panels between desks or cubicles in offices and classrooms will become necessary. 

 12. A "quarantine state of mind" will linger for months or years. 

 13. Masks will become wardrobe standards and will improve because of technology. 

 14. Many malls and restaurants will close. 

 15. Handshakes, hugs, and kisses will become less and less practiced. 

 16. Business management will become more and more digital. 

 17. Innovation in various fields will accelerate. 

 18. "Brick and mortar" stores, like malls, will lessen, while online stores will flourish. 

 19. Technology to adapt to the new situation will rapidly develop: in the direction of enhanced safety and greater social control. 

 20. Globalization and urbanization (the spread of cities) will be reversed. 

 21. "Deglobalization" will progress while nationalism will intensify. 

 22. There will be less international cooperation and more international conflict. 

 23. People will avoid trains, buses, cafes. restaurants, theaters, stadiums, supermarkets, and offices. 

 24. There will be less globalization of things, and more virtual globalization. 

 25. US politics will become more polarized: between a nationalist and protectionist Right, and a socialist and "progressive" Left. 

 26. There will be greater public debt and budget deficits, prodding more taxes and more borrowing from banks. 

 27. There will be more friction between China and the US. 

 28. People will opt for cars rather than mass transit. 

 29. Because of lost jobs and the lockdown, there will be more children who will feel deprived, insecure, and traumatized. 

 30. Social distancing will separate people from other people and parts of society; a widespread feeling of disconnection or alienation will result. 

 31. Single persons will be discouraged to start new relationships. Women who can afford to stay single are likely to stay single indefinitely.

32. In the effort to find a cure for Covid-19, cures for a number of deadly diseases will also be found. 

Bakit Natin Kailangan ang Mga Bayani sa Ating Panahon?

Ang konsepto ng “bayani” ay galing sa mga sinaunang Griyego. Galing ang konseptong ito sa sinaunang kataga ng mga Griyego na nangangahulugang “tagapagtanggol”.  Para sa kanila, ang isang bayani ay isang nilalang na nakagawa ng isang bagay na sobrang labas sa karanasan at pangunawa ng mga karaniwang tao, kung kaya’t nang siya ay namatay, nakapagiwan siya ng isang ala-alang di malilimutan.

Dahil sa ala-alang ito, ang isang bayani ay sinasambang parang isang diyos. Ayon pa sa mga  Griyego, ang pagiging isang bayani ay katumbas ng pagpapalawak at pagpapadami ng kung ano ang kayang gawin ng mga ordinaryong nilalang.

Marami sa mga bayaning-diyos ng Gresya ay nakatulong sa sangkatauhan: kagaya nina Hercules, ang ang mamamatay-halimaw, si Asclepius, ang unang doktor, si Dionysus, ang diyos ng alak, mayamang anihan, pagdiriwang, at ng prutas at gulay.

May mga bayani rin ang mga Griyego na hindi diyos. Si Odysseus, ang hari ng Ithaca at sentrong karakter ng epikong tulang Odyssey ni Homer, ay hindi diyos, subalit siya ay tinuturing na bayani ng mga sinaunang Griyego. Para sa kanila, kinakatawan ni Odysseus ang mga kabutihan at katangian na malapit sa puso ng lipunang Griyego, bukod sa pagiging modelo niya ng kabutihan  na dapat tularan ng buong Gresya.

Marahil ay sa “modernong” mundo natin ngayon, wala na ang mga halimaw na kinatakutan ng mga sinaunang lipunan, pero masasabing kailangan pa rin natin ang inspirasyon ng mga bayani. Sa panahon ngayon, ang mga bayani natin ay mga sundalong nagpakita ng katapangan sa digmaan, o kaya’y mga astronauts na ginalugad ang kalawakan.

Bayani rin para sa atin ang mga siyentipikong nakatuklas ng mga panagip-buhay na gamot, mga taong naglilingkod sa mga mahirap at kapus-palad, at mga aktibistang lumalaban sa kawalan ng katarungan sa lipunan. Kung kaya’t walang pingkaiba sina Albert Einstein, Alexander Fleming, Jonas Salk, Mother Theresa, Jose Rizal, at Ninoy Aquino, kay Odysseus. Kung paano dinakila ng mga sinaunang Griyego si Odysseus, ay ganoon din ang pagdakila natin sa mga modernong bayani.

Pagbibigay Kahulugan sa Ating mga Ambisyon at Pangarap.

Kailangan natin ang mga bayani sapagkat binibigyang kahulugan nila ang ating mga ambisyon at pangarap. At ang ating mga ambisyon at pangarap naman, katulad ng tapang at dangal, ay nagbibigay kahulugan sa ating mga buhay.  Higit pa dito, kinakatawan ng mga bayani ang mga katangian na gusto nating maging at mga layuning gusto nating matupad.

Kailangan natin ang mga bayani sapagkat sila ay huwaran ng katapangan at kayang mamuno sa ating lipunan. Dagdag dito, ang mga bayani ay handang itaya ang kanilang buhay, at ibuwis ito kung kailangan. Hindi sila nangingiming humarap sa panganib matupad lamang ang isang mithiin. Hindi ginagawa ito ng ordinaryong tao, kayat kung nakikita nila ito na ginagawa ng isang bayani, humahanga ang madla at sumusunod sa liderato ng tinurang matapang na tao.

Maraming naniniwala na ang sandigan ng ating lipunan ay ang pagpapahalaga sa ating mga bayani. Ito ang dahilan kung bakit ang ating gobyerno at pribadong sektor ay masugid na kumikilos upang tiyakin na ang mga taong kumakatawan sa kabutihan ng ating lahi, walang dili iba kundi ang ating mga bayani, ay iniluluklok sa pedestal at binibigyang puri.

Ang isang bayani ay sinumang pumukaw sa iba. Ang katagang ‘bayani’ ay pareho ang kahulugan  sa "pinuno" – pareho silang nakakaimpluwensya ng kanilang kapaligiran at karaniwa’y nagsisilbing huwaran sa iba. Ating pansinin na ang mga bayani at pinuno ay kapwa hindi nangangailangan ng isang partikular na puwesto sa kapangyarihan, o kaya’y sa pamahalaan.

Halimbawa, sa pelikulang “Superman” ang bayani ng Lungsod na Metropolis ay ang “Man of Steel” kahit hindi siya pormal na bahagi ng gobyerno, kagaya ng pulisya.  Kung gayon walang pormal na pamagat o titulo na kailangan ang mga bayani. Ang kabayanihan niya ay sumisibol mula sa mga kilos niya at hindi mula sa mga titulo kagaya ng “Dr”, “Atty”, o “Engr”. Sabihin pa ba, ang isang tunay na bayani ay iyong magaling umaangkop at tumugon sa kapaligiran kung saan kinakailangan siya.

Ang mga pinuno ng mga samahan ay nagiging bayani sapagkat nakakatulong sila upang maging modelo ng mga wastong gawi at pamamaraan. Ginagawa nila ito sa pamamagitan ng pagsasa-praktika ng mga pag-uugali at  tradisyon ng organisasyon. Ang mga indibidwal na ito ay maaaring magkaroon ng anumang pamagat o titulo sa anumang antas o lebel ng organisasyon. Nagiging bayani sila kapag ang kanilang mga aktibidad ay pinag-uusapan na sa lawak ng samahan hanggang maging halos alamat na sila.

Maraming mga samahan ang naghahayag tungkol sa kanilang  mga bayani upang maituro nila sa iba pang samahan kung ano ang nararapat at inaasahan sa kanila. Ang mga kuwentong ito ay nakatuon sa huwarang mga ugali at sakripisyo ng mga bayani.

Nakatanim sa Kultura Natin ang Buhay ng mga Bayani

Ang mga salaysay, at ang mga mithiing pinanindigan ng mga bayani, ay nakatanim sa kultura ng isang samahan. Sa Unibersidad ng Pilipina (UP), madalas naming ikinukwento sa aming mga estudyante ang kabayanihan ng mga aktibista noong Batas Militar ni Marcos, sapagkat maraming kabutihan at mabuting asal ang mapupulot mula sa kanilang buhay.

Sa pamamagitan ng pagtalakay sa mga kuwentong ito, ang pamunuan ng UP ay naghahatid ng mga ideyal na inaasahan nila na isasabuhay ng mga mag-aaral at kaguruan ng Pamantasan. Sa gayon ay lumalakas at nagiging dakila ang ating pangkalahatang kultura.

Bagaman hindi kinakailangan ang mga titulo upang maging isang bayani, madalas ang mga nagtataglay ng pormal na awtoridad ay nagigin bayani sa mata ng iba. Halimbawa, bilang isang General Manager, dapat tantuin na siya’y isang bayani ng samahan dahil sa ang kaniyang titulo ay pinapanood ng mga tao na kaniyang pinamumunuan. 

Binabago ng isang General Manager ang kanilang pag-uugali upang umakma ito sa mga panuntunan ng samahan. Ginagawa niya ito sa pagmomodelo ng mga wastong aksyon. Dahil dito, ang mga tagapamahala ay may malaking responsibilidad na tuparin ang kanilang tungkulin sa pamamagitan ng pagkilos na may integridad.

Ating tandaan na ang isang tema sa unang labas ng pelikulang “Spiderman” ay nangangaral na  "kasama ng malaking kapangyarihan ay ang malaking pananagutan".  Bilang isang General Manager, na may pormal na titulo, inaasahan ng balana na ika’y kikilos nang may etika at alinsunod sa pinakamataas na pagmamalasakit sa samahan.

Sa pelikulang animated ng Disney, ang "Hercules", ang mga tauhan ay nagdadalamhati sa kakulangan ng mga bayani. Upang tugunan ang pangangailangang ito, nagsanay at nagsikap si Hercules na maging isang kampeon na tutugon sa mga pagsusumamo ng mga tao na biyayaan sila ng mga bayani.

Nakakamangha na kung paano nabubuo ang mga bayani sa mga opisina, pabrika, o kaya’y digmaan ay katulad sa paglitaw ni Hercules bilang isang bayani sa mitolohiya. Bilang karagdagan sa pagpapatampok ng mga kwento tungkol sa kabayanihan, ang mga organisasyon ay nagdaraos ng mga programa upang sanayin ang mga may potensyal sa kabayanihan na kawani o kasapi upang malaman nila ang kanilang mga kalakasan, kahinaan. Ang layunin ng mga pagsasanay ay ang makaimpluwensya ang mga mahuhusay na taong ito sa karamihan at kalakhan ng samahan.

Ang mga degree sa pagnenegosyo, tulad ng ‘Master of  Management’ (MM) o ‘Master of Business Administration’ (MBA) ay isa pang paraan kung saan ang mga organisasyon ay nagkakaroon ng mga bayani. Ito ay sa pamamagitan ng pagpapadala ng mga kwalipikadong empleyado sa pormal na mga programang pang-akademiko, kagaya ng UP.

Ang mga Bayani ay Itinuturo sa Paaralan Bilang Huwaran

Lahat ng mga programa ng pagsasanay sa negosyo na pang-akademiko ang nagtuturo sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay ng mga huwaran, katulad ng mga bayani. Maaaring matuto ang mga tao na kumilos nang may etika sa pamamagitan ng pagmomodelo ng kanilang pag-uugali at asal mula sa isang positibong huwaran.

Sa aking pang-graduate na kursong ‘Human Behavior in Organizations’, ang mga mag-aaral ay nagsusulat ng term paper kung saan pumipili sila ng isang desisyon ng management sa negosyo at pinagaaralan nila kung ito ay etikal o hindi. Ito ay sa pamamagitan ng pagtatalakay sa desisyon sa loob ng ilang magkakaibang konteksto. Ang layunin ko dito bilang guro ay upang kusang maisip ng mga mag-aaral na mag-isip ng mga desisyon na sila mismo ang gagawa kapag pinuno na sila ng negosyo sa tunay na buhay.

Ang diskarteng ito ay ginagamit din sa maraming paaralan sa pagnenegosyo kung saan   ipinakikita sa mga pag-aaral ang mga ‘case studies’ upang pag-aralan kung ano ang positibo o negatibo tungkol sa mga desisyon ng isang pinuno ng negosyo. Ang mga nasabing ‘case studies’ ay nagbibigay sa mga mag-aaral ng mga huwaran o bayani sa pagnenegosyo na sana’y magpapatibay ng mga positibong pag-uugali ng mga pinuno ng mga korporasyon, maliit man o malaki.

Tinuturuan ang mga mag-aaral na iwasan ang mga negatibong pag-uugali na tatalakayin sa mga ‘case studies’ sa kanilang sariling praktika. Pinaaalahanan sila ng mga guro sa mga hindi kanais-nais na aksyon upang maingat nilang maiwasan ang mga ito sa mga aktuwal na sitwasyon, kung saan mahirap bawiin ang mga kamalian. 

Higit sa lahat, tinuturuan silang magpaka-bayani. Ang mga ‘case studies’ ay hitik ng mga sitwasyon ng kabayanihan, ang paggawa ng mga mahirap na aksyon upang masolusyonan ang maraming komplikadong problema.

Sa araw-araw na buhay, ang mga bayani ay napakahalaga.  Maging sila man ay nagbibigay ng aliw, atleta, pulitiko, o pampublikong pinuno, ang mga bayani ay nagsisilbi ng isang layunin sa ating lipunan. Tumutulong silang bigyan ang mga tao ng pag-asa, at nagbibigay sila ng wastong halimbawa para sa tagumpay.

Ang ilang mga bayani ay nakapagkukuwento ng kanilang tagumpay sa publiko. Sa ganitong paraan, natutulungan nila ang mga ordinaryong tao na makita ang mundo sa tumpak na mga pamantayan. Sa pamamagitan ng kanilang marubdob na hangarin na magtagumpay, ang mga bayaning ito ay nagbibigay ng paliwanag at pag-unawa, kung paano nila binuo ang kani-kanilang mga talento.

 Pakikiramay o ‘Empathy” ang Pangunahing Katangian ng Isang Bayani

Sa kongkreto, ang mga bayani ay ang mga sumusunod na tao: mga kusang kumilos para maglingkod sa mga nangangailangan, maging ito man para sa isang indibidwal, isang pangkat, o isang pamayanan; mga gumawa ng aksyon nang walang anumang inaasahang  gantimpala o pakinabang at; mga kumilala at tumanggap ng  panganib o sakripisyo at sa proseso ay nagpamalas ng kagitingang ginagawa lamang ng mga bayani.

Tungkol naman sa mga katangian ng mga bayani, ito ang mga sumusunod: matapang, naninindigan, mapagpasiya, matulungin, matapat, masigla, integridad, mapagtanggol, masakripisyo, at hindi makasarili.

Ayon sa ibang mananaliksik, ang pakikiramay o ‘empathy’, ang pangunahing katangian ng kabayanihan. Ang pakikiramay sa ganitong konteksto ay ang kakayahang maunawaan ang emosyon ng ibang tao, at kaakibat dito, ang kakayahang isipin at maramdaman kung ano ang iniisip o nararamdaman ng ibang tao.

Ang mga taong ito ay hindi nagaatubiling tumulong sa iba sa harap ng panganib o kahirapan.  Tumutulong sila sapagkat sila ay tunay na nagmamalasakit sa kaligtasan at kagalingan ng ibang tao. 

Halimbawa nito ay ang mga “frontliners’ na mga doktor, nars,  at iba pang mangggawang pangkalusugan na nagaalaga ng mga pasyenteng may Covid-19 sa mga ospital. Kaugnay dito, isang pag-aaral noong 2009 ang nakatuklas na ang mga taong may mga tendensiyang magpakabayani ay mataas din ang antas ng pakikiramay o ‘empathy’.

Ang Isang Bayani ay Nagpapamalas ng Lakas ng Loob

Ang isang bayani ay sinumang maaaring magpakita ng lakas ng loob kapag nahaharap sa isang problema. Ang bayani ay taong nakakatulong sa iba`t ibang paraan. Ang isang tao ay maaaring maging isang bayani sa pagliligtas sa kapwang  nasa panganib. Isa pang halimbawa ng bayani ay yaong tumutulong sa iba upang bigyan sila ng lakas na magpatuloy sa harap ng mga paghihirap sa buhay.

Ang isang bayani ay maaaring isang taong nagbigay ng kanyang buhay upang ang iba ay mabuhay. Sa aking palagay ito ang pinakamataas na antas ng kabayanihan. Ganunpaman, ang isang bayani ay hindi palaging kailangang ipakita ang tapang. Maaari siyang matakot ngunit maging isang bayani pa rin. Nakasalalay sa kaniyang pagkilos, may takot man o wala, ang kaniyang pagkabayani.   

Hindi Kailangan ang Kawalan ng Takot Upang Maging Bayani

Naniniwala ako na ang mga bayani ay hindi kailangang walang takot para maging isang bayani. Malamang, karamihan sa mga bayani ay may takot sapagkat sila ay tao tulad ng alin man sa atin. Ngunit nararamdaman nila ang isang obligasyong moral. Isang tinig sa loob nila ang nagsabi na kailangang kumilos may takot man o wala.

Maraming beses nang pinag-uusapan na ang mga bayani ay nakaramdam ng takot sa oras ng kabayanihan o pag-alay ng buhay. Ngunit masasabing mayroon silang ibang uri ng sobrang lakas o kalooban na nagtutulak sa kanilang kumilos o gawin ang dapat nilang gawin.

Maaari ding maging mga bayani ang mg guro o tagapayo sa paaralan. Maaari ka nilang turuan na magbasa o magsulat at sa proseso ay nagkakaroon ng malaking pagkakaiba ang iyong buhay. Hindi mo pahahalagahan o tatanawin ang serbisyong ito hanggang  ikaw ay matanda na at nagsisimula nang manalamin ng iyong buhay.

Kung Wala ang Kabayanihan ng mga Guro

Maupo ka at limiin mo na kung wala ang guro na nagturo sa iyo kung paano bumasa at sumulat ay hindi ka makapunta sa kolehiyo at makakakuha ng trabaho. Ang milyon-milyon na kaguruan ang mga bayani na hindi napapansin araw-araw at hindi nakakakuha ng pagkilala na nararapat para sa kanila.

Gayundin, pansinin natin ang mga taong naghahatid at sumusundo sa mga bata araw-araw sa paaralan, ang mga drayber ng bus o ‘service’ ng paaralan. Nasa kamay nila ang buhay ng mga maliliit na bata limang araw sa isang linggo. Dinadala nila sila sa paaralan sa umaga at hinahatid sa bahay sa hapon o sa tanghali.    Para sa akin, ang mga ganitong drayber ay mga bayani. Bayani sila na nakakaepekto sa buhay ng mga maliliit na bata na siyang lalaki at tatanda upang maging mamamayan ng Pilipinas.

Maituturing din na mga bayani ang mga taong nagpakita ng pag-uugali at pagpapasya ayon nakamamanghang etika at emosyon. Nakikita natin sa kanila ang isang bagay na sa palagay natin ay wala sa atin. Iniisip natin na hindi natin kakayanin, kailanman, sa ilalim ng anumang kondisyon, ang mga pagkilos o desisyon na ginawa nila. Dahil dito, inilalagay natin sila sa isang mataas na lugar sa lipunan o sa ating mga isipan.

Ang mga Bayani ay Nagtutulak sa Ating Kumilos

Ano ang isang bayani? Isang taong nagtutulak sa atin upang kumilos o magpasiya, dahil sa kanilang halimbawa. Sila ay mga tao na tumutusok sa ating emosyon at tayo nama’y nagkakaroon ng espiritwal na koneksyon sa kanila na parang nabubuhay pa rin sila. 

Maaaring gusto nating iidolo sila o ilagay sila sa mataas na paggalang. Maaaring gusto nating makasalimuha sila nang personal upang makamit ang kanilang lakas, talento, at kadakilaan.  

Ano ang partikular na ginagawa ng isang bayani na lumilikha ng inspirasyon sa atin? Ano ang tungkol sa kanila na gumagawa sa atin na humanga, sambahin o subukang gayahin sila? Sa maraming mga kaso, ito ay ang kanilang mga nagawa. Walang kapalit ang aksyon bilang tagapagpakilos ng lipunan.

Halimbawa, ang isang mahusay na manlalaro ng basketball katulad ni Michael Jordan ay nakagagawa ng mga kamangha-manghang mga record sa puntos, ‘rebounds’ at ‘assists’. Dahil dito, agad nating natutukoy na nagtataglay sila ng isang kadakilaan. Sila ay nagiging idolo o diyos natin. At kapagdaka, sila ay nagiging personal na bayani natin.

May Bayani sa Loob Nating Lahat

Ganito rin ang epekto sa marami ni Princess Diana, na ginawaran ng titulong ‘Prinsesa ng Bayan’. Sinasamba siya ng mundo sa kanyang pagsikat mula sa isang simpleng batang babae tungo sa isang babaeng kinikilala at itinatangi na simbolo ng kabutihan.

Nakakakonekta ang marami sa kaniya, dahil sa ang kaniyang katauhan mismo ay kumokonekta rin sa sanlibutan, sa isang   kagila-gilalas na paraan. Ang kaniyang halimbawa ay nagpatunay sa marami na ang mga ‘fairy tale’ ay nagkakatotoo sa modernong panahon. Sabihin pa ba, si Princess Diana ay isang bayani sa napakarami.

Sa pagtatapos, hindi na tayo dapat lumayo sa paghahanap ng mga bayani. Hindi na rin tayo dapat magpakahirap sa paghahanap ng depinisyon. Naniniwala ako na mayroong tayong isang bayani sa loob nating lahat. At hindi na ito dapat bigyan ng depinisyon sapagka’t ito’y nadarama natin sa damdamin natin.   

Pinapanatili niya tayong tapat, nagbibigay siya sa atin ng lakas, ginagawa niya tayong marangal, at sa kahulihulihan ay pinapayagan niya tayong mamatay nang walang pagsisisi. Kahit na minsan o ilang beses sa ating buhay ay kailangan nating maging matatag, at isuko ang mga bagay na pinaka-nanais natin. Pati ang mga pangarap natin. Iyan ang tunay na kabayanihan.

Heneral Anacleto “Lolo Etoy” Enriquez: Bayani ng Rebolusyong Pilipino

           

            Isinilang si Anacleto Enriquez noong Setyembre 25, 1876 sa San Jose, Bulakan, sa malaking tahanan ng kaniyang mga magulang, sina Don Vicente Enriquez y de Jesus at Donya Petrona Sepulveda Fernando y Gatmaytan.

Siyam ang anak nina Don Vicente at Donya Petrona: anim na lalaki at tatlong babae. Alinsunod sa edad, sila ay sina: Alfonso, Anacleto, Severina, Victoria, Paula, Vicente Jr., Jose, Laureano, at Bonifacio.

Matapos sumiklab ang Rebolusyong Pilipino sa petya Agosto 26, 1896, nahimok ang unang apat na lalaki na sina Alfonso, Anacleto, Vicente Jr., at Jose na umanib sa Katipunan.

Naging matataas na opisyal ng Katipunan ang magkakapatid na Enriquez at pawang masigasig na lumahok sa maraming matitinding labanan.

Nagpamalas ng galing at sigasig si Anacleto sa pagpapalawak ng Katipunan sa Bulakan, Bulacan. Ang unang taguri sa mumunting sangay ng Katipunan sa Bulakan ay “Balangay Uliran”. Kapagdaka’y pinalitan ito ng ngalang “Brigada Pilar” sapagka’t dali-daling sumobra sa   tatlong libo ang mga kasapi. Hindi malaon, pumailalim ito sa Balangay at Sanguniang Apuy ng Malolos, Bulakan.

Mabilis na napabantog sa hanay ng lumalawak na KKK ang tapang at husay ni Anacleto. Ito ay bukod sa kaniyang pagka-asintado sa baril, dahilan kung bakit siya binansagang “Matanglawin”. Dahil sa reputasyong ito, noong Oktubre 20 1896, sa edad na 20, hinirang siyang Heneral at pangalawang pinuno ng Katipunan sa Bulacan ni Heneral Isidoro Torres.  

Inilahad ni Tenyente Jose Enriquez, pangalawa sa bunso,  kung gaano hinangaan ng mga taumbayan ang tapang at galing sa pag-oorganisa ni Anacleto Enriquez   Mapanganib ang atas na ito kay Anacleto, sapagkat ang Katipunan noon ay isang lihim na organisasyon na itinuturing na subersibo ng mga Kastila.. Ang parusa sa pagsapi ay kamatayan.

Nakadagdag sa pang-akit ni Anacleto Enriquez ang kaniyang kakisigan, matipunong pangangatawan, maginoong tikas, magnetikong pagkatao, edukasyong Ateneo, at prominenteng angkan.

Higit sa lahat, magaling sa pampulitikang propaganda si Anacleto. Halimbawa, nagumpisa siya ng isang matagumpay na “kampanyang bulung-bulungan” hinggil sa mga abuso at kalapastanganan ng mga Espanyol, na mabilis na kumalat sa Bulakan, Kasama si Gregorio del Pilar, namudmod din siya ng rebolusyonaryong polyeto sa simbahan ng Bulakan.  Dahil sa mga kabayanihang ito, naging isang alamat si Anacleto Enriquez sa Bulakan, Bulacan.

Si Hen. Anacleto Enriquez at si Hen. Gregorio del Pilar ay mag-kababata at malapit na mag-kaibigan. Sa katunayan, ang lugar kung saan isinilang si del Pilar sa San Jose, Bulakan, Bulacan ay isang bakuran na pagmamay-ari nina Don Vicente at Donya Petrona.

Sampung buwan lang ang agwat ng kanilang kapanganakan: Setyember 26, 1876 si Anacleto at Nobyembre 14, 1875 si Gregorio. Ang palayaw ni Anacleto ay “Etoy” at ang kay Gregorio naman ay “Goyo”.

Kahit sa Ateneo Municipal de Manila sa Intramuros, kung saan sila ay magka-klase, ay nagpatuloy ang pagkakaibigan nina Etoy at Goyo. Kasama sa barkada nila ang nakababatang kapatid ni Etoy na si Vicente Enriquez Jr., na may palayaw na “Enteng”.

Dito marahil nakuha ni Vicente Enriquez Jr. ang tiwala ni Hen. Gregorio del Pilar. Si Vicente ay aakyat sa pagiging Koronel ng Katipunan at pipiliin ni Hen. Gregorio del Pilar bilang kaniyang personal na ayudante o “aide-de-camp”: isang napakalaking responsibilidad.  Isa si Kol. Vicente Enriquez Jr. sa mga kakaunting nakaligtas sa labanan sa Pasong Tirad noong Disyembre 2, 1899.

Sa kaniyang kabayanihan sa Pasong Tirad, sinasabi ng mga mananalaysay na kumuha ng inspirasyon si Hen. Gregorio del Pilar kay Hen. Anacleto Enriquez, na naunang naging rebolusyonaryong martir nang mag-buwis siya ng buhay, kasama ang mahigit walong daang Katipunero, sa madugong labanan sa loob ng simbahan ng San Rafael, Bulakan, noong Nobyembre 30, 1896.

Ayon kay Teodoro M. Kalaw, na sumulat ng isang magandang talambuhay ni Hen Gregorio del Pilar, nang mabalitaan ni Hen. Goyo ang pagkamatay ni Hen. Anacleto Enriquez, siya ay taimtim na nagwika: 

“Ano kaya ang sandata ni Etoy nang siya ay masawi sa labanan?  Para malaman ko kung paano mag-alay ng buhay para sa bayan."

May makapanindig balahibong kuwento ang lolo ko na si Bonifacio Enriquez, ang bunso ng pamilya.

 Noong Nobyembre 30, 1896, nanananghalian sa bahay sina Don Vicente at Donya Petrona. Kasama nila ang dalawang anak na lalaki na hindi lumaban  at ang tatlong anak na babae.

Sa humigit kumulang 12:30 ng tanghali, na siya namang oras ng pagkamatay ni Anacleto Enriquez sa San Rafael, nakita nila ang anino ng isang tila lumilipad na malaking ibon sa kisame ng komedor na parang nagpapaalam. 

Ang anino ay nagpakita nang ilang segundo, pagkatapos ay  lumipad palabas ng komedor sa direksyon ng kanilang salas, at nang kanilang sundan ay lumabas ito sa maluwang na bintana ng salas. 

Pagkatapos ng pangitaing ito, lumuhod at pinagdasal ng pamilya Enriquez ang mahal nilang si Etoy.